China Diplomatic Digest Q1 2024
A slow but impactful start to the year
Firstly, thank you to everyone who has been reading China Diplomatic Digest this year. If you aren’t already, please make sure to follow this digest’s LinkedIn page if you want to receive more frequent short-form updates relating to changes in China’s diplomatic network.
Before shifting our focus to Q2, let us take a moment to recap Q1.
Whilst 2024 has been relatively slow so far, China’s diplomatic network still saw a number of important developments in Q1.
By my count, 13 ambassadorial posts were made vacant in the first 3 months of 20241, including three vice-ministerial-level posts, namely, to South Africa, the EU, and the UN.
As for arrivals, only 8 Chinese ambassadors took office in Q1. After starting the year with a quick succession of appointments, the rate of new appointees slowed dramatically. Whilst it had been reported by Bloomberg that Fu Cong will be filling the vacant post at the UN, as of writing he has not yet taken office.
The locations that did receive a new Chinese ambassador this quarter were: Samoa, Qatar, Albania, Bolivia, Angola, Singapore, Panama, and Madagascar. All of which have strategic importance to China, albeit for different reasons. Some are important natural resource exporters, whilst others have geostrategic value.
Of the new arrivals, the most experienced appointee has to be Cao Zhongming, Ambassador to Singapore, who was until recently China’s Ambassador to Belgium.
For the majority of the Q1 cohort, this will be their first time serving as an ambassador, with only 3 having prior ambassadorial experience. At 58 years old, Cao Zhongming is the oldest of the cohort, and at 48 years old, Wang Liang (Ambassador to Bolivia) is by far the youngest. Overall, the average age of the cohort was 54.
As for gender balance, only 2 of the new arrivals were women.
Thus far, I have written articles about 6 of Q1’s new arrivals. In case you missed any, you can find them here:
In short, Q1 2024 saw more Chinese ambassadors vacate their posts than anything else.
If China is going to appoint as many ambassadors in 2024 as they did in 2023, then the rate of arrivals in Q1 was lower than one would expect. That being said, with so many ambassadorial posts currently vacant, it looks like there will be a lot of arrivals in Q2.
Whilst there have been no new arrivals in Q2 yet, we have already seen China’s ambassadors to Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Botswana all begin the process of vacating their posts.
Make sure to keep an eye out for future updates from China Diplomatic Digest in Q2.
A post was considered vacant when it was made public the ambassador was departing rather than waiting for the ambassador to actually leave the country.
Request for Help
I am seeking urgent assistance from anyone willing and able to examine my case independently.
I am the victim of a state-financed entrapment programme orchestrated by the Norwegian security apparatus. The process began in early 2009 with a series of coordinated provocations and psychological torture intended to break me down psychologically. Over time, I came to understand that the purpose of these provocations was to produce manipulated recordings and fabricate security-related threat narratives that could later be used against me.
Since then, I have been subjected to prolonged containment through controlled environments designed to isolate me, systematically torture me, and ultimately gain psychological control over me. This campaign has been sustained over many years by the Norwegian security apparatus. Its objectives have been to engineer false narratives, systematically spread them through formal and informal networks, isolate me, continue systematic torture within controlled environments, and ultimately use me as a “Manchurian candidate” in a false-flag security operation.
Norwegian security agencies operate extrajudicial campaigns through networks presented publicly as anti-radicalisation cooperation. In reality, these networks function as de facto extrajudicial courts involving religious institutions, community leaders, and criminal elements. They are used to facilitate torture, entrapment, and smear campaigns against victims while concealing the role of those directing the operations.
Norwegian security agencies operate with the acquiescence of higher authorities, enabling them to use state institutions to fabricate evidence and narratives, manipulate official and medical records, conceal torture, silence victims, and obstruct independent legal remedies. Political figures, public officials, professional associations, healthcare providers, NGOs, private individuals, and members of the general public are influenced through false narratives, incentives, coercion, or other means to participate in social and political engineering while maintaining the appearance that their actions are independent and spontaneous.
Norway now functions as an authoritarian system operating behind the façade of democratic institutions. Security cooperation between Western states, together with their influence over international human rights organisations, has created an environment in which meaningful scrutiny is prevented. Rather than conducting independent investigations, many organisations knowingly or unknowingly reproduce the same fabricated narratives generated by the security apparatus.
Throughout this process, I have been systematically prevented from learning the allegations being constructed against me and prevented from responding to them through torture and containment. Every attempt to report torture, challenge fabricated narratives, or obtain an independent investigation has resulted in further retaliation, additional fabrication of evidence, and deeper containment.
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I am not asking anyone to accept my account without scrutiny. I am asking for an independent examination of the evidence, conducted from first principles and free from reliance on institutional narratives that form part of the system I am asking to have investigated.
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